The Biden administration's strategy of engaging with China in an effort to salvage the relationship and avoid conflict has been met with mixed reviews [1dfa27df]. The approach includes establishing working groups and sending high-level officials to Beijing, aimed at countering China's military growth and unfair business practices without provoking a trade war [1dfa27df]. However, critics argue that this approach may delay necessary actions such as sanctions and export controls [1dfa27df].
The article from The Hill emphasizes the importance of prioritizing collaboration over competition in the US-China relationship [9bee0bc5]. It highlights the Biden administration's approach of 'invest, align, compete' and argues that it is the right strategy if it leads to cooperation and détente [9bee0bc5]. The article acknowledges that while China has challenged the world economic order, it has also contributed to global economic growth and lifted its people from poverty [9bee0bc5]. The 'invest, align, compete' approach has been effective in addressing critical national security concerns and generating specific policy solutions [9bee0bc5].
The US has imposed restrictions on the export of semiconductors and banned US investment in certain Chinese tech companies as part of its efforts to address concerns about China's economic practices [1dfa27df]. Additionally, the Biden administration has been successful in courting allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region to build a united front against China [1dfa27df].
Despite these efforts, some critics and Republicans in Congress believe that stricter reciprocity should be the starting point in dealing with China [1dfa27df]. They argue that the rush of visits by US officials to China raises concerns and weakens the administration's policies targeting China [1dfa27df]. However, the Biden administration denies that the engagement strategy is weakening its stance and points to recent sanctions on China as evidence of its commitment [1dfa27df].
While progress has been limited, the engagement strategy has reopened diplomatic channels between the US and China [1dfa27df]. This provides an opportunity for dialogue and understanding, although critics argue that it may not be enough to address the deep-rooted issues in the relationship [1dfa27df].
In addition to the engagement strategy, the article suggests that there is potential for collaboration between the US and China in critical areas such as climate policy [9bee0bc5]. It proposes aligning with China on critical areas, coordinating development strategies across multilateral institutions, and leveraging China's technological advances in non-strategic areas [9bee0bc5]. By doing so, the goal is to make the US-China relationship truly cooperative and productive while maintaining and enhancing the international rules-based system [9bee0bc5].
A recent article from Nikkei Asia reports that U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell stated that the U.S. needs to find a way to carefully coexist with China, rather than pursuing regime change in Beijing [c5d58ee1]. Campbell made this statement in response to an article in Foreign Affairs that argued for winning, not managing, America's competition with China [c5d58ee1]. Campbell emphasized the importance of finding a balance between competition and cooperation, recognizing that China's rise is a reality that needs to be managed [c5d58ee1]. He also highlighted the need for the U.S. to work with allies and partners in the Indo-Pacific region to address the challenges posed by China [c5d58ee1].
The article from MWI at West Point highlights the need for a shift in mindset in the US national security community to effectively manage the strategic competition with China [8fa2e101]. It argues against the zero-sum mindset and proposes a mixed-motives mindset that recognizes the overlapping and shifting interests between the US and China [8fa2e101]. The article emphasizes the importance of establishing a cognitive baseline and shared mindset to ease collaboration across different realms of policy and strategy [8fa2e101]. It also highlights the dangers of a zero-sum mindset, such as constant conflict, static cost-imposition strategies, and the goal of removing the adversary [8fa2e101]. The benefits of shifting to a dynamic mixed-motives mindset are discussed, including the use of dynamic strategies, focusing on absolute welfare, and promoting competitive coexistence [8fa2e101]. The article concludes by suggesting actionable ways to change the collective mindset, such as creating new foundational models, improving education for leaders, and altering processes to foster collaboration and ideation [8fa2e101].
According to a senior US diplomat, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell, China is determined to stabilize bilateral relations with the United States and its primary focus is its economy [9db17a33]. Campbell believes that China needs to reassure investors and others that it has a plan for its economy and would not create frictions that could escalate in unpredictable and dangerous ways [9db17a33]. He also mentioned that economic performance is central to President Xi [9db17a33]. Despite serious frictions remaining, the U.S. and China have taken steps to reengage diplomatically at high levels [9db17a33]. Campbell acknowledged the difficulty of the diplomatic challenge ahead and expressed concerns about North Korea's strengthened relations with Russia and China's pressure on the Philippines [9db17a33]. He also mentioned that China and North Korea's support for Russia in Ukraine would be discussed at next month's NATO summit [9db17a33].
The United States is in a cold war with China and needs a strategy led by the president to win [b4a5cb2e]. China has been building geo-economic leverage through military-civil fusion and dual circulation strategies, while the United States has been timid in responding [b4a5cb2e]. The United States should develop a dedicated economic strategy to undermine China's economic influence, protect its own economy, and promote decoupling [b4a5cb2e]. The president should provide clear guidance on limiting Chinese investment in the United States, controlling exports, and decoupling from China in critical sectors [b4a5cb2e]. The United States should also mobilize the legal system to target malign Chinese actors and cooperate with international allies to create new global economic power centers [b4a5cb2e]. Presidential leadership is crucial to deny China's global economic ambitions and secure the American dream and global economic freedom [b4a5cb2e].
Backroom diplomacy has long been a key element in China-U.S. relations since U.S. National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger's secret visit to China in 1971 [f9abed9d]. It often yields unexpected positive outcomes as its high level of secrecy fosters an environment conducive to more efficient and flexible negotiations [f9abed9d]. U.S. leaders often prefer to keep discussions with China secret, notably when policies face criticism from Congress, the media, and public opinion [f9abed9d]. Successful backroom diplomacy hinges on finesse, politesse, and timing [f9abed9d]. For U.S. presidents to initiate backroom diplomacy with China, two conditions must be met: they must have a strong political determination to improve China-U.S. relations, and there must be substantial domestic pressure opposing such improvements [f9abed9d]. The article discusses the examples of backroom diplomacy employed by past U.S. presidents, including Richard Nixon and George H. W. Bush [f9abed9d]. It also examines the current political conditions in the U.S. and China, suggesting that the political conditions in the U.S. aren't quite right, and China doesn't seem receptive to such outreach, rendering it an unnecessary option for the time being [f9abed9d]. The article concludes that a major breakthrough in the current bilateral relationship may only emerge after the 2024 U.S. presidential election, whether through formal or backroom diplomacy [f9abed9d].
The article 'U.S. Engagement in the Indo-Pacific: Don't Trade Away Trade' from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace discusses the different approaches to trade in the Indo-Pacific region, highlighting the Biden administration's current approach and the need for a middle ground [91c07d65]. It explores the benefits and costs of globalization, the risks of the Biden administration's trade strategy in Asia, and the importance of a robust trade agenda in the region. The article suggests pursuing a more reflective version of global integration that balances domestic realities with interests abroad and emphasizes the role of trade as a foreign policy tool. It proposes a strategy that includes mini-lateral and sectoral trade agreements, efforts to integrate key Asian allies into existing multilateral agreements, and limited market access tied to specific criteria. The article argues that such an approach would allow the United States to better communicate its economic and geopolitical commitment to the region, diversify its economic role in Asia, and compete more effectively with China while protecting key U.S. industries. It also highlights the risks of the current approach, including economic losses, diminished influence with regional allies, and missed opportunities to shape Asia's rules on economic exchange. The article concludes by emphasizing the need for the United States to actively engage in Asia's trade networks to have a say in the region's economic and diplomatic future.
The article 'Net-Zero and the China Challenge: Decarbonization amid Great Power Competition in the Indo-Pacific' from Monthly Review discusses the growing tensions between the United States and China in the Indo-Pacific region, with a focus on the role of decarbonization and energy cooperation [87b24343]. It highlights the strategic importance of the region as a supplier of raw materials for the transition to renewable energy and as a destination market for low-carbon technologies. The article argues that the rivalry between the US and China now encompasses a broader set of resources and technologies, leading to new patterns of dependence and interdependence. It examines how the US is re-engaging in the region to contain China and secure economic partnerships, and how this partnership impacts the interests of the Philippines and Japan. The article emphasizes the importance of finding ways to build a constructive relationship between the US and China to address the climate crisis and achieve global climate goals.